Rachel Reeves has approached the upcoming spending review like a reluctant bather inching into freezing water, endeavoring to mitigate the discomfort through incremental immersion.
Reeves began tackling the problem of limited income towards the close of the summer months. At first, she would not to stand by former statements that increases in taxation in last year's financial statement would be the ultimate ones.
Later, earlier this month, she took a more significant move into the icy waters. Her remarks vowed to "take required actions" to fund public services and maintain borrowing costs low.
In just 10 days, the Treasury had pulled back the implication. The election promise still stood after all. Like every icy-water swimmer understands, this cancelled plunge and shivering withdrawal is the most painful of all methods. Nothing prolongs the suffering like indecision.
It can be difficult to be decisive when choosing between levels of internally generated injury.
Expectation has not been a successful strategy for the administration. At the core of the prime minister's general election campaign was the unrealistic belief of somehow meeting the public's demand for improved public services without undoing significant amounts of Conservative tax cuts.
Not once has both the prime minister or Reeves adequately expressed a sense of collective goal to justify all this difficulty. In part that is a problem of leadership presence. Starmer and Reeves are strikingly similar in their ineffective messaging, awkward and reticent in a way that pushes listeners back instead of pulling them in.
Just as electoral expectations to fund government services has pushed the exchequer to admit that levies must increase, the economic imperative of improving growth makes it more challenging to disregard the cost of detachment from the EU market.
The government spent a twelve months dabbling in the early stages of closer ties with the EU: plans to end border inspections on agricultural goods; a youth mobility scheme. Aspiration went a more substantial on power generation, military and protection collaboration, but no significant agreements has so far been finalized.
Without specific instruction and impetus from No 10, discussions are stuck. EU officials says economic advantages are accessed with financial input to the EU budget. UK ministers know that's the agreement. That doesn't make them enthusiastic for a open dispute and campaigners screaming treason over any cost ends up being paid.
Economic reality has triggered some change in the administration's rhetoric on the European question. She has begun identifying EU withdrawal alongside the Covid pandemic as a cause of commercial injury that the finance ministry is striving to repair. Government colleagues have followed suit, although they cautiously assign the fault to "unfavorable agreement" or "the exit process", never just "withdrawal".
The problem of Britain's long-term partnership with the EU can't be reduced to administrative modifications and import controls when the global political landscape is in tumultuous flux. Given everything that has occurred since the Brexit vote, it feels appropriate still to be asking the core matter: were the nation's concerns served by leaving the European Union?
These represent harsh, difficult truths about the UK's position in turbulent global circumstances. It is expected that Starmer and Reeves flinch from the challenge. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into trends that they cannot swim against. So as an alternative they continue nervously moving along the shore, wishing that maybe soon the situation will turn.
Elara Vance is a tech journalist with over a decade of experience covering emerging technologies and consumer electronics.